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Moving Beyond The two State Solution

Moving Beyond Two States
By Miko Peled

United States envoy to the Middle East, George Mitchell, kicked off a visit to Israel restating the US commitment to the Road Map and the Two State Solution. However, both of these options have become irrelevant and it is time for the administration to seriously study the possibility of the two nations living together within a single democratic state. This is an option that moderate parties on both sides have discussed for decades, only to be silenced by more militant forces that see this as a zero sum game.

The one state option speaks of a single secular democracy between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea within which Israelis and Palestinians would live as equal citizens. This would elevate the rights of Palestinians to those of Israelis it will finally allow the two nations to stop bleeding and begin building. It is an ambitious proposition that Israel and its supporters will surely resist at first. However, judging by the facts on the ground, this may well be the only option available for the two nations.

In preparation for renewed US involvement in the Israeli Palestinian conflict, Israel’s newly elected Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu announced his opposition to establishing a Palestinian state. Israel’s newly appointed foreign minister went even further and announced that there will be no more peace talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. Adopting a tactic clearly designed to give them room to negotiate, the two are positioning themselves as far to the right as possible in expectation of American demands for concessions to the Palestinians. Judging by the size and the political makeup of Israel’s new cabinet, it is safe to assume that no amount of American pressure will convince them to allow Palestinian independence or to halt settlement expansions in the West Bank.

When Jimmy Carter published his book “Palestine, Peace Not Apartheid” he insisted that the apartheid did not apply to Israel, only to the occupied territories. But now the West Bank is inseparable from Israel. Because of the large settlement blocks and highways that Israel built over the years, the West Bank can no longer be separated from the rest of the country. So regardless of what solution the US supports, the geography and the demographics no longer allow for the creation of a separate political entity in the West Bank, or anywhere else in historic Palestine/Israel.

Try as we may to pretend that Israel is a Western style democracy, it is simply not the case. The government of Israel controls the lives of five and a half million Jews who enjoy the freedoms of a democracy, 1.4 million Palestinians who live as second-class citizens within Israel but with severely limited civil rights and 3.5 million Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza who are deprived of all civil and human rights.

Of the estimated ten million people living in historic Israel/Palestine today half are Israelis and half Palestinians. To bring a just and lasting end to the conflict the state must be divorced from religious or ethnic identity and provide all citizens equal rights. in other words, a secular, constitutional democracy that will protect the rights of all Palestinians and Israelis but will be the sole proprietorship of neither one. Equality, as history has shown us in this country, in South Africa and in other multi national, multi ethnic states, can only be guaranteed through laws that protect the rights of every citizen, regardless of race, religion or gender.

The Two State Solution and the Road Map are the latest in a series of failed attempts to solve the Israeli Palestinian conflict through partition and segregation. The best one can expect from pursuing these options is a dangerously volatile status quo. But the good news is that Israelis and Palestinians discuss the possibility of a single state openly at academic and political forums. Now that the President has announced that he will visit Israel this summer, it is time for the US to join this conversation.

Recognizing Israel By Miko Peled

The shooting of US citizen and peace activist Tristan Anderson by Israeli soldiers occurred just days after the 6th anniversary of the killing by Israeli forces of another American peace activist, Rachel Corey. In both cases the killing was unprovoked and intentional but no official condemnation of Israel has been made by the US. It is safe to assume that had Palestinians, Iranians or Syrians killed these Americans, the President would have made a statement by now condemning the shooting and possible scenarios for sanctions if not retaliation would have been contemplated.

What we do hear these days from Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is that the US would not support a Palestinian government unless it recognizes the state of Israel and vows to end the violence. While the US promises millions of dollars to rebuild Gaza after the latest destruction inflicted by Israel, these dollars are contingent upon Palestinian recognition of Israel and a unilateral Palestinian commitment to end the violence. But who will guarantee to protect Palestinian civilians from Israeli attacks?

As Fatah and Hammas negotiate for Palestinian unity we are informed that they disagree on the issue of recognizing Israel. So let us explore what recognition of Israel means to Palestinians. Recognition means to forgive that in 1948 close to 500 Palestinian cities, towns and villages, were destroyed; to forgive that businesses and factories, mosques and schools were leveled and that Palestinians were forced into an exile that continues to this day. It means to forgive that in 1968, when Israel completed its conquest of Palestine it once again forced thousands of Palestinians into exile while taking over more land. It means to overlook the fact that for over 60 years Israel built towns and cities and farms for Jews only on Palestinian land and it continues to do so to this day in the West Bank.

Israel speaks of creating a Palestinian state but it enacts policies that make the establishment of such a state impossible. Palestinian sociologist Jamil Hilal puts it this way: “Israel’s policy has amounted to a systemic negation of the basic conditions necessary for a viable and sovereign Palestinian state.” Palestinians are pushed out of their homes and their land and into small, unlivable enclaves that can barely sustain themselves, much less be considered viable for statehood.

As we see in places like Na’alin, where Tristan Anderson was shot, Israeli response to Palestinian resistance is violent regardless of whether the resistance is violent or not. Israel holds an estimated ten thousand Palestinian political prisoners for belonging to the resistance, regardless of whether they actually participated in acts of violent resistance or not.

So it realistic to expect that Palestinian recognition of Israel will be forthcoming? Juxtaposing the reality in Gaza and the West Bank with US rhetoric one may conclude that the US wants the fate of Palestinian to be similar to that of Native Americans, i.e., complete surrender of their country and their rights. Palestinians are asked, or more accurately, it is demanded of Palestinians that they recognize the total domination of a country that has taken everything away from them and continues to attack them viciously and without discrimination. Again, one is forced to ask: Who is prepared to provide protection for the lives of innocent Palestinians? Sadly, on this issue one hears absolutely nothing from the US or Israel.

The first time srael took over Gaza was during the Eisenhower administration. In those days Israel was receiving very little money or weapons from the US, but when the American President gave the word, my father, Matti Peled, who was the Israeli military governor of Gaza had 2 weeks to get out. He did it in two days. Today, Israel receives an estimated ten million dollars per day from the US. One would expect that in return Israel would protect the lives of US citizens and respect the human and civil rights of Palestinian civilians.

The shooting of US citizen and peace activist Tristan Anderson by Israeli soldiers occurred just days after the 6th anniversary of the killing by Israeli forces of another American peace activist, Rachel Corey. In both cases the killing was unprovoked and intentional but no official condemnation of Israel has been made by the US. It is safe to assume that had Palestinians, Iranians or Syrians killed these Americans, the President would have made a statement by now condemning the shooting and possible scenarios for sanctions if not retaliation would have been contemplated.

What we do hear these days from Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is that the US would not support a Palestinian government unless it recognizes the state of Israel and vows to end the violence. While the US promises millions of dollars to rebuild Gaza after the latest destruction inflicted by Israel, these dollars are contingent upon Palestinian recognition of Israel and a unilateral Palestinian commitment to end the violence. But who will guarantee to protect Palestinian civilians from Israeli attacks?

As Fatah and Hammas negotiate for Palestinian unity we are informed that they disagree on the issue of recognizing Israel. So let us explore what recognition of Israel means to Palestinians. Recognition means to forgive that in 1948 close to 500 Palestinian cities, towns and villages, were destroyed; to forgive that businesses and factories, mosques and schools were leveled and that Palestinians were forced into an exile that continues to this day. It means to forgive that in 1968, when Israel completed its conquest of Palestine it once again forced thousands of Palestinians into exile while taking over more land. It means to overlook the fact that for over 60 years Israel built towns and cities and farms for Jews only on Palestinian land and it continues to do so to this day in the West Bank.

Israel speaks of creating a Palestinian state but it enacts policies that make the establishment of such a state impossible. Palestinian sociologist Jamil Hilal puts it this way: “Israel’s policy has amounted to a systemic negation of the basic conditions necessary for a viable and sovereign Palestinian state.” Palestinians are pushed out of their homes and their land and into small, unlivable enclaves that can barely sustain themselves, much less be considered viable for statehood.

As we see in places like Na’alin, where Tristan Anderson was shot, Israeli response to Palestinian resistance is violent regardless of whether the resistance is violent or not. Israel holds an estimated ten thousand Palestinian political prisoners for belonging to the resistance, regardless of whether they actually participated in acts of violent resistance or not.

So it realistic to expect that Palestinian recognition of Israel will be forthcoming? Juxtaposing the reality in Gaza and the West Bank with US rhetoric one may conclude that the US wants the fate of Palestinian to be similar to that of Native Americans, i.e., complete surrender of their country and their rights. Palestinians are asked, or more accurately, it is demanded of Palestinians that they recognize the total domination of a country that has taken everything away from them and continues to attack them viciously and without discrimination. Again, one is forced to ask: Who is prepared to provide protection for the lives of innocent Palestinians? Sadly, on this issue one hears absolutely nothing from the US or Israel.

The first time Israel took over Gaza was during the Eisenhower administration. In those days Israel was receiving very little money or weapons from the US, but when the American President gave the word, my father, Matti Peled, who was the Israeli military governor of Gaza had 2 weeks to get out. He did it in two days. Today, Israel receives an estimated ten million dollars per day from the US. One would expect that in return Israel would protect the lives of US citizens and respect the human and civil rights of Palestinian civilians.

Winning in Gaza By Miko Peled

n715517329_1878308_8852-1The common wisdom regarding Israel’s latest attacks on Gaza suggests that Israel is defending itself against a vicious enemy and that all means justify the cause of security for the citizens of Israeli cities. Common wisdom dictates that the US must support the Israeli Jewish population in their effort to gain recognition and acceptance, not to say security for their fledgling democracy. But here common wisdom stand stands in stark contrast to the dictates of reality because Israel is fighting a war it cannot possibly win.

For more than sixty years Palestinians have been living as refugees in the Gaza strip as well as other areas in and around what used to be Palestine. Those who live in the refugee camps have for three generations suffered unimaginable hardships that began with homelessness, poverty and deprivation and went on to include incursions by Israeli commandos, shelling by Israeli artillery and air assaults by the Israeli air force. In Gaza close to 900,000 people are refugees who were forced off of their land in 1948. They and their descendants have suffered more than their fair share of hardships.

The accepted position on the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands is that it began in 1967, but for Palestinian refugees in Gaza and elsewhere the Israeli occupation of Palestine began in 1948 and was only completed in 1967. Many Israelis feel this way too. So to expect that a solution that deals only with lands occupied in 1967 will hold for any length of time is naïve at best, and the ashes of the peace process of the 1990’s lay as testament to that.

Most of the refugees in the Gaza Strip today came from the southern towns and villages of Palestine. According to UN sources, in 1948 some 200,000 refugees were concentrated in and around Gaza City whose original inhabitants numbered only 80,000. This severely burdened this narrow strip of land, an area of only 140 square miles. Today over three-quarters of 1.4 million people in the Gaza strip are registered refugees.
The Gaza strip includes the city of Gaza which is approximately 48 miles southwest of Jerusalem, with a population of 410,000, as well as the cities of Beit Hanoun , Beit Lahia, Deir el-Balah (at the end of 1170, Saladin’s army had arrived in Palestine entering through Darum, which is now known as Deir al-Balah) Jabalia, Khan Yunis and Rafah.
The majority of the refuges live in eight refugee camps that include: Jabalia, Rafah, Beach, Nuseirat, Khan Younis, Bureij, Maghazi and Deir el-Balah.
According to the United Nations the refugee camps in the Gaza Strip have one of the highest population densities in the world. For example, over 80,688 refugees live in Beach camp whose area is less than one square kilometer. This high population density is reflected in the overcrowded schools and classrooms. Even with poverty and over population, Gaza maintains one of the highest literacy rates in the world, 92%.

Today these refuges and their descendents, who live just a short drive from their original homes who now house Jewish Israelis, are being told by the world that they must accept their fate and live as refugees with no law to protect them, no human rights and no civil rights. They are also told quite clearly that any resistance on their part, violent or otherwise will not be tolerated. Israel, the country responsible for their present condition will never allow them to return to their homes, to resist or to become part of a larger Israel/Palestine.

Whether one agrees that Palestinians deserve the same rights as all other people or not, one has to recognize why resistance to Israel has developed in the refugee camps in Gaza. It is a vicious cycle, not unknown in the history of other nations. Since the early 1950’s refugees from Gaza tried to enter the newly establish Israel, seeking to reclaim houses, possessions, or crops. Eventually guerrilla fighters began to enter Israel and to engage in violent acts against Israeli citizens. It wasn’t long before Israel developed a policy of no tolerance whereby infiltrators were shot on sight and retaliatory strikes in response to guerrilla attacks ensued.

In 1953 Ariel Sharon, then a young officer was sent at the head of the famous Unit 101 into Gaza to cleanse it of terrorists and to stop Palestinian “infiltrators” from penetrating Israeli borders. Sharon stated: “If we don’t act against the refugee camps, they would become a murderers’ nest.” Or in other words, centers for resistance against Israel. Israeli attacks on Gaza continued throughout the 1950’s, 60’s 70’s and they continue to this very day. It is hard not to see that this is an ongoing campaign against a nation that is unwilling to give up the struggle for freedom and justice.

Gaza has a history of being tough to subdue. It is said the Alexander The Great had to fight a bitter battle to conquer it, as did the British during the First World War. While violence may quell the resistance for a short time, all it takes is one child who decides to take up the fight and as we know this is a battle that no conquering power has ever one.

Miko Peled is an Israeli writer and peace activist living in San Diego. His father was the later Israeli General, Matti Peled who was also the first Israeli military Governor of Gaza. For comments or contact information please go to mikopeled.wordpress.com

A Movie Speaks a Thousand Words. On the movie “To See If I’m Smiling”. By Miko Peled

The topic about which I wish to write is so disturbing that after scribbling a few facts and figures I found myself glaring at the screen unable to express my thoughts or feelings in any meaningful way. This has gone on for some time until on Christmas day I decided to do something. I shunned my ever-refilling email mailbox as well as my friends on facebook and decided to take action. But once again I found myself staring at the screen unable to write. Where does one seek inspiration to write? I thought of all the wonderful things I have read by others and then it hit me: Edward Said.

If one wants to write about almost anything, but certainly about Palestine and Israel in any meaningful way Edward Said is sure to inspire thoughts and shake the mind so that words may flow out of it. As I began a random search of his name an abundance of information came up. The following quote was the first thing I saw: “Remember the solidarity shown to Palestine here and everywhere… and remember also that there is a cause to which many people have committed themselves, difficulties and terrible obstacles notwithstanding. Why? Because it is a just cause, a noble ideal, a moral quest for equality and human rights.” At last I found a video of a lecture given by Edward Said on May 8, 2003 at the University of Washington, a video I subsequently posted on my facebook for the benefit of others. I did this knowing full well that most people will not have the luxury I did on Christmas day to view the complete 99 minutes of the lecture, and so I posted a comment to say: “even if you only listen to 5 minutes of this, it will be worth it.”

But back to the topic of this article: I have recently returned from spending three weeks in the Middle East. The purpose of the trip was to enter Gaza through Egypt and to deliver a few basic medical tools to Ahli hospital in Gaza. Needless to say, this part of the trip was a total failure. The Egyptians, just as the Israelis command, have locked the gates of Rafah and anyone curious enough to learn the details of my trip is welcome to  select the “Gaza trip” in this site. But a trip to the Middle East is never about just one thing. It is not humanly possible to avoid visiting friends in the West Bank and in East Jerusalem. Nor is it possible to avoid running into old friends, Israelis who live in their bubble and care nothing about the actions of their democratically elected government. These friends will usually categorize me and my views on the Palestinian Israeli issue, as Edward Said puts it, as: “Reductive and simply wrong.”

Frankly had Israel been a totalitarian regime like, say Nazi Germany for example, one could understand the lack of popular resistance to the atrocities committed by the government and its army, police, border patrol and secret intelligence services. Had this been some middle eastern dictatorship, where one “only opens his mouth on the dentist’s chair” as one friend of mine puts it, fearing kidnapping and torture for speaking against the regime, one might be inclined to forgive Israelis for allowing their elected government to treat Palestinians with such brutal force. But as we are so often reminded Israel is a democracy. Its government represents the will of the people. These people, the citizens of Israel, like to be thought of as peace loving people but they vote for people like Ariel Sharon and Ehud Barak, Bibi Netanyahu and Tzipi Livni. They serve in the occupation army willingly, they are glad to go, as the son of one of my good friend’s said to me with pride, he is going to volunteer to serve in the “Sayarot” or the illustrious Special Forces.  These same “Special forces” by the way, received a severe blow by Hezbollah in the last Lebanon War.

Before leaving Israel I was given a copy of a movie that I decided to watch on the plane. It had a curious name, as many Israeli movies seem to have, particularly when they are translated into English. The name of this movie is “To See If I’m Smiling.” In the name of the sacred equality it is demanded of us to constantly mention the Israeli victims of the conflict. We are reminded that we must never forget the suffering of the Jews who came to their homeland after 2000 years to finally find a refuge from persecution of the other nations. Well, this is a story about the suffering of the Israelis, five young Israeli girls to be exact. Five young, innocent and idealistic girls who willingly entered an occupation army of brutally violent criminals; the girls were ordered to facilitate the beating, torture and virtual rape of Palestinians living under occupation, and eventually they realized that they were being beaten and raped themselves. They were permitted only to leave from time to time to take a breath of fresh air and then they had to return. Many of the girls felt that something was wrong, and wanted to speak up, but as they looked around them they saw that what was going on was looked upon as normal and so they stayed and said nothing. Then, after two years the girls were allowed to leave, to return home as though nothing had ever happened.

Israel is the only country in the world that has law binding, compulsory army service for women. In “To See I’m Smiling” five girls speak out about the most acts they had performed while they were in the service of Israel’s occupation army. But during their service they were also complicit in their own mental and emotional rape and abuse by the system they served. The intensity of their experience and their emotions don’t allow them to forget and in this movie they speak out about what they had done and how they ended up doing it.

Meytal is an officer in the medical corps. By training she is a medic and she chose to become an officer. “I was ecstatic when I heard that I was assigned to Hebron” she says, because as she admits, she heard that Hebron was where the real action was taking place. Real fighting, real casualties and everything that comes with being a soldier. She recalls that soon after she arrived there was an “operation” and she says: “I felt the danger, real danger. There was gunfire everywhere.” The brutal force Israel uses against Palestinians especially in Hebron assists in the myth that Israel is actually fighting a war, rather than merely applying brutal force against a population that has no means of defense. “Our guys returned with a body” of a young Palestinian that was killed by the Israeli forces. She never expected that she would be given the duty of “cleaning up” the body. “We had to clean him before returning him to the Palestinian Authorities” she says “so that there will be no blood stains and so that they will not know what we did to him.” “This particular man suffered a head injury and he did not die immediately,” Meytal continues deliberately, “he died a slow death, and he lost control of his sphincters. That’s what happens” she calmly explains, “He had basically defecated and urinated all over himself”. “People look at me now and ask me: you did what? You cleaned a corps? But I cannot afford to be disgusted by this. “Why” the narrator asks and Meytal replies, “Because it is on my hands, the blood is on my hands. I cannot be disgusted by my hands, I have to be able to use my hands.” Meytal also recalls a time when she was hosing down a body and he happened to have an erection, an embarrassing yet not an irregular occurrence. “Another girl walked by and she happened to have a camera. I asked her if she would take a picture of me with the body.” At the end of the movie she looks at the photos and says “I want to see if I was smiling.” She says and as she looks at the pictures with obvious horror she asks, “how could I have thought I would ever forget this.”

Rotem is in charge of an observation post – “it is an amazing sense of control, you have a lot of power, telling the commanders where to send the troops.” Once she spots the offenders, children getting ready to throw rocks or erect a roadblock, she calls in the troops. But as she goes through a debriefing she has doubts and she asks the officer debriefing her: “If the boys do not admit they will be released, won’t they?” “Hem yodu” the officer says in Hebrew – “they will confess!” This statement runs shivers down her spine. “What does he mean they will confess, under what circumstances?” at one point a child was shot and killed; “at that point I stopped feeling” she says and she realizes she was the one guiding the forces to that child. Now at the young age of 21, she has to live with the fact that she is responsible for the killing of an innocent child. In a scene right out of Macbeth she recalls, “When I was on leave I called a friend and said to her that it wont come off.” “What won’t come off?” her friend asked. “Don’t you get it?” She replies “I keep trying with soap and it wont come off. The blood on my hands, it wont come off. My friend thought I was joking, she didn’t realize this was no joke”

Inbar is an Operations sergeant for a unit that patrols the walls and towers surrounding Gaza. “The unbearable lightness of death” is how she describes the state of things. It used to be that if someone approached the fence the Israeli soldiers would fire warning shots in the air. Then one day they started shooting to kill. “I remember that first time when a man ran up the fence yelling “Allahu Akbar”, and they shot him. His body remained there stuck on the fence.” It is like the Wild West, she says, we do whatever we want. I was overwhelmed by the control. You can summon someone with your finger and without hesitation they obey!

At one point the Commanding Officer was patrolling and he saw a boy standing around with the soldiers. “Why is this child still here?” he asked, “He was released hours ago.” “We were just playing with him” the troops reply causally. The child was crying hysterically, having been beaten and abused. “I want a report ASAP “ the Commander says and some time later Inbar brought the report to him. In the report, she says, the soldiers did not even lie, – they told of the cigarette burns, beatings and other forms of abuse the boy suffered in their hands. Inbar presented the report to the CO; he read it and then he said he wanted a different report. “With this report, internal investigations will be all over us. Go ask the unit commander to issue a different report.” This was asked of her without hesitation, without a doubt that she would indeed obey this horrendous illegal order.

Inbar says that she was “considering calling the press – I hesitated and then I just didn’t, because, well, because.” The new report was issued and it said that the child is a pathological liar and that was the end of it.

Dana, NCO Officer in charge of education. “You become a-sexual in order to belong. You learn to talk like a guy, you have to loose your femininity.” As I was walking around, familiarizing myself with the troops I came a cross one group who all had Masbaha (prayer beads) and copies of the Koran. “Where did you get these?” she asked and they replied “we got them from Kalkilia” – in other words they stole them. “I was shocked, looting is illegal. At a meeting with the regiment commander I told him the story.” She recalls “are you sure about this?” he asked. She confirmed what she said and he called the company commander. Later when the company commander and the soldiers saw her they spat when she walked by. “One day” she recalls that there was a lot of commotion. “I stopped washing the dishes, which is what I did most of the time, and I stepped out. Everyone was excited, the guys had just returned from an “operation” and there was a body in the vehicle. They took it out and the guys began to take pictures of themselves with the body. Something deep inside told me that this was wrong, that there is something wrong about posing with dead bodies.”

Tal recalls patrolling in a Palestinian town when all of a sudden they heard the song “I got the power” blaring from the mosque. “They took over the mosque and played music! What A terrific joke! They guys loved it.” We loved the adrenaline. “We got to go to the shooting range which is a lot of fun. I became really good at filling coke cans with bullet holes. I even had one on my desk with a sign that said: Anyone who annoys me will end up like this coke can.” My first “operation” involved a protest that erupted in the aftermath of the army blowing up someone’s house. “People were running in all directions like crazy. The crowds are running amok! I noticed a child that was crying and screaming and I wanted to pick him up. It is a basic instinct to want to comfort a crying child, it is a basic motherly instinct. Suddenly his mother came and I saw the look on her face. That look said everything to me about what I had become.

Libi is a combat soldier. We were there to impose order. Angered by the death of another soldier girl she decided she would take her revenge on every person who crossed her checkpoint during her 14 hour shift. “I lined up more than 80 people and I had them stand in order, do pushups, and I treated them as though they were my recruits, humiliating them throughout the whole shift. None of the other soldiers thought I was doing anything wrong. It was nothing out of the ordinary.”

When the abnormal become normal and the worst of mankind become “nothing out of the ordinary” we know things have gone badly wrong. Israeli cabinet ministers, Generals and field officers need to be brought to justice form their crimes. And sooner would be better than later.

“Child’s Play”

This piece by Gideon Levi speaks volumes.  The attacks on Gaza are great for the Israeli army – the air-force doesn’t have to deal with anti aircraft systems; the tanks don’t have to fear anti tank missiles, and really the soldiers have little to fear because Gaza has no army.

The fighting in Gaza is “war deluxe.” Compared with previous wars, it is child’s play – pilots bombing unimpeded as if on practice runs, tank and artillery soldiers shelling houses and civilians from their armored vehicles, combat engineering troops destroying entire streets in their ominous protected vehicles without facing serious opposition. A large, broad army is fighting against a helpless population and a weak, ragged organization that has fled the conflict zones and is barely putting up a fight. All this must be said openly, before we begin exulting in our heroism and victory. 

This war is also child’s play because of its victims. About a third of those killed in Gaza have been children – 311, according to the Palestinian Health Ministry, 270 according to the B’Tselem human rights group – out of the 1,000 total killed as of Wednesday. Around 1,550 of the 4,500 wounded have also been children according to figures from the UN, which says the number of children killed has tripled since the ground operation began. 

This is too large a proportion by any humanitarian or ethical standard. 

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It is enough to look at the pictures coming from Shifa Hospital to see how many burned, bleeding and dying children now lie there. History has seen innumerable brutal wars take countless lives. 

But the horrifying proportion of this war, a third of the dead being children, has not been seen in recent memory. 

God does not show mercy on the children at Gaza’s nursery schools, and neither does the Israel Defense Forces. That’s how it goes when war is waged in such a densely populated area with a population so blessed with children. About half of Gaza’s residents are under 15. 

No pilot or soldier went to war to kill children. Not one among them intended to kill children, but it also seems neither did they intend not to kill them. They went to war after the IDF had already killed 952 Palestinian children and adolescents since May 2000. 

The public’s shocking indifference to these figures is incomprehensible. A thousand propagandists and apologists cannot excuse this criminal killing. One can blame Hamas for the death of children, but no reasonable person in the world will buy these ludicrous, flawed propagandistic goods in light of the pictures and statistics coming from Gaza. 

One can say Hamas hides among the civilian population, as if the Defense Ministry in Tel Aviv is not located in the heart of a civilian population, as if there are places in Gaza that are not in the heart of a civilian population. One can also claim that Hamas uses children as human shields, as if in the past our own organizations fighting to establish a country did not recruit children. 

A significant majority of the children killed in Gaza did not die because they were used as human shields or because they worked for Hamas. They were killed because the IDF bombed, shelled or fired at them, their families or their apartment buildings. That is why the blood of Gaza’s children is on our hands, not on Hamas’ hands, and we will never be able to escape that responsibility. 

The children of Gaza who survive this war will remember it. It is enough to watch Nazareth-born Juliano Mer Khamis’ wonderful movie “Arna’s Children” to understand what thrives amid the blood and ruin we are leaving behind. The film shows the children of Jenin – who have seen less horror than those of Gaza – growing up to be fighters and suicide bombers. 

A child who has seen his house destroyed, his brother killed and his father humiliated will not forgive. 

The last time I was allowed to visit Gaza, in November 2006, I went to the Indira Gandhi nursery school in Beit Lahia. The schoolchildren drew what they had seen the previous day: an IDF missile striking their school bus, killing their teacher, Najwa Halif, in front of their eyes. They were in shock. It is possible some of them have now been killed or wounded themselves.